III. cause Problems
The modern whaling has stretched over large parts of our globe, and it is increasingly international dimensions. It has brought with it significant voyages of discovery of the polar regions and has been the main cause of various powers occupations and sector requirements in Antarctic regions.cf.. Bjarne Aagaard, Antarctic 1502-1944. Norway's Svalbard- and ishavsundersøkelser. messages No.. 60, Oslo 1944 It has led to an oil whose total value goes up in billions. cf.. f. example. Consul Johan Rasmussen radio lecture by 18. June 1936. According to a typed copy of the lecture as kindly is tilstilt me of consul Johan Rasmussen It has been a powerful lever for shipbuilding- and other industries, and it has seemed heighten the standard of living not only in Norway, but also in other countries.
It is at an interesting, richly faceted, but so far little explored economic-historical phenomenon that constantly offers a number of unresolved issues. Here, we will seek to shed light on the cause of the problems associated with this industry. This means that we will try to clarify why and how modern whaling came into being in the latter half of the 1800s. It was during this period of modern whaling was created. The great expansion that has taken place within this industry in the post 1904, is just a logical further development on the foundation that was laid already in the latter half of the 19. century.
When it comes to the modern whaling emergence, there are three issues that particularly call on our interest. Why originated modern whaling? Why was the Norwegians pioneers within this industry? And why were Vestfold whaling county above all?
It is impracticable to give out specific answers to these questions. Cause complex is enough in each case so extensive and at the same time so complicated that a light will lose certain aspects of sight. Moreover, one should probably be careful during the evaluation of the factors that have recorded. They may be incommensurable, or they may be so entangled in each other and so interdependent that one hardly are right to distinguish them strongly, and consider them as isolated phenomena. We will be mindful of when we hereafter for purposes of illustration still will have to pull the strands apart, to ask the factors side by side.
on the question: Why originated modern whaling, will a simple reasoning lead to the following obvious right answer: Because it is with industrialism and thus still økende befolkningstettheten in Europe followed a need for whaling raw products, because it constantly existed almost incredible amounts of fat fin whales in the oceans and because the technical advances made it possible to create a method of capture which made fin- catch profitable.
Whaling at Spitsbergen by Abraham Storck, 1690. (Wikimedia Commons.)
The dangers of the old whaling. (Wikimedia Commons.)
Now there are new industries that most measures so that they are pushed forward by certain factors, but meet resistance by others. The relationship between the advertising and the entangling forces can vary extraordinarily strong. And it is only by analyzing the relationship between these factors one can reach a fairly accurate assessment not only of the cause issues at, but also on the purely human effort in each area, of inventors, labor leaders and workers' efforts.
When it comes to modern whaling, we can conclude that resistance was very large. Whaling main, hvaloljen, was not an irreplaceable commodity. It was from the mid-1800s exposed to increasing competition from other raw materials. Whale oil was at that time, is used to soap, as a lubricant for various uses, as illuminant and tannery- and textile companies. Both as lubricating- and illuminant was whale oil eventually out-competed by other raw materials and power sources.3 Mineral and vegetable oils made from this time to play an increasingly bigger role in world trade. These conditions seemed in the long run with a sharp decline in the prices of whale oil.
In the years almost after the Crimean War showed oil prices with certain fluctuations largely a declining trend,Tooke and Newmarch, History of Prices V and VI (London 1678). and they lay on the bottom of a trough when Foyn first in the 1860s took the first steps to prepare their major initiatives. The years from 1863 to about. 1868-69 commanded apparently with certain fluctuations on a temporary marked rise in oil prices, a pitch undoubtedly a substantial part due to the Civil War in America,Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery, 77 ff. the Schleswig-Holstein war in 1864 and Prussia's war against Austria in 1866, but then followed a strong price decline as with certain fluctuations continued to 1905.According overview tables published by G. Gelders i Amsterdam 19129. cf.. Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 238. See also Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery. The table found on p.… Continue reading And it was during this time laid the foundation for modern whaling. When the downturn began (you. i 1869), was Foyn close to having shooting tools and capture method in its entirety in good, working condition, but he had not yet been fully assembled some hunting station, something floating factory, and a number of difficult production problems were increasingly unresolved. Foyn had at the time offered a fortune on their whaling effort,See Big Things Negotiations 1880. Part five. Dokument No. 41, s. 2. and must have been a fact that the coming years would require new economic sacrifice and a significant risk of the ever greater capital he invested in its whaling business.Ame Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary (Oslo 1943), 69—’80. The numerous pessimistic statements Foyn in years 1869 to 1875 gave the public about the future prospects of whaling now, are in good agreement with the real difficulties he encountered. It is characteristic when Foyn in a letter from 1874 brother Laurentius bl. a. writes «… the poor marketing of whale Tran pulls a dark Skye of business. "Further heter it to '. . . Kommissionærene says whale Transportation is unsaleable ".Letter from Svend to Laurentius Foyn dated Vadsø 12. aug. 1874. The letter found in the manuscript collections in Commander Christen Christensen's Whaling Museum Library. Oil prices were the year 1874 - that. 33% lower than in 1869, and in 1879 they were fallen down under 50 % of the price level ten years earlier. I 1886 prices fell on whale oil to below 20 £ per. tonnes, and less 1869 had constituted more than 60 £. And prices fell later than further. In 1904-05 was below the 15 £ per. tonnes, you. only a quarter of the price in 1869.
We can therefore conclude that modern whaling was established for a period which mostly offered declining oil pricesaccording to G. Van Gelder oversiktstabeller. cf.. grosserer W. Hvistendahl price tasks in "Whaling, its history and Men "by G. Sorensen m. fl. (Krka 1912), 126. See also Walter S. Tower, A… Continue reading and difficult market conditions, This industry was not like so many others encouraged and fostered by rising economic conditions. Internationally seen, it was on the contrary a lot of factors that might impede the development of a modern whaling. It is so far characteristic that all the effort that went out from other nations in this area, backfired.
Foyn experimented constantly with new inventions and improving old tools. Here we see a page in his diary with drawings and calculations.
By taking into account this resistance phenomenon becomes able to see the cause and effect in the right relief. The opinion seems to give the desired depth effect.
To reach an understanding of why and how it could have succeeded in creating a significant industry in spite of the relatively unfavorable economic conditions, we must go to a somewhat more detailed information on the summary answer previously given to the first question, we have made it our mission to answer.
Industrial Hinduism had reportedly smear- and lighting means that almost bettered whale oil, so that it sank to mainly be used for hardening of steel, in the manufacture of jute and dressings rucksack tools,cf.. f. example. Finmarksposten 30. Oct. 1886, No.. 86. but at the same time it brought with it such a huge expansion in the industrial front and a strong people increase especially in Europe and America that it was marketed in virtually all older known and used raw materials, albeit often as in our case to declining prices. Furthermore brought currently with the progress in the technical field that eventually led to a refining whale oil, so that this could be used as an increasingly better raw material for lubricants and further to såpefabrikasjonen, to candles etc.Tunsberg guy 26. Oct. 1877, No.. 127, Tunsberg guy 8. nov. 1879, No.. 130 and Finmarksposten 30. Oct. 1886, No.. 86. There was thus remains a need for whale oil if it could be produced cheaply enough.
Whale Oil Lamp (Photo: Bull Guardian / Wikimedia Commons.)
The technical advances in the time also gave Foyn funds received to create a modern method of capture. The Britishcf.. British Patents for Inventions 1840-1860. and Americancf.. U.S.A. Patents 1840–1870. Patent registers from the time of 1850 gives us a wealth of evidence that also strangers experimented to find more effective and temporal firearms for hunting. Both the British and the Americans had on the basis of the progress which was made on våpenteknikkens area, invented methods was to use explosives, bombs and grenades, to kill the whale. And some inventors - both Norwegian and foreign - had already before Foyn found to unite explosive and harpoon in one projectile.Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 51 ff. cf.. also the same author's article "Pastor Hans Morten Thrane Esmark and modern whaling". Norwegian Whaling Official Journal 1943, 81-93. Foyn grenade harpoon is not so much a idéoppfinnelse as an eminent been experimented adaptation of ideas that were launched earlier. Foyn was - as mentioned - also the first who took the steamer used to catch the whale. This solution was in a sense kolumbia eggs again. The Americans who tried to create a modern whaling method virtually parallel to Foyn, used rowboats.Arne Odd Johnsen, "From the modern whaling breakthrough. Foyn and whaling to 1,875 ". Vestfold Memory III, 62 ff. At a time when the steamship was increasingly utilized, need idea to start using it in whaling still almost be said to have been in the air. Swede Jacob Nicolai Walsøe had then also launched this idea several years before Foyn took it up.Morgenbladet 20. June 1869, No.. 168 B. Foyn showed his genius seized by promptly identify a serviceable hunting vessels of conveniently be kind and with the right dimensions. His pionérbåt Spes & Fides has remained the prototype for all later catchers.Arne Odd Johnsen, hopes & Fides. No.. 34 published by the Norwegian Maritime Museum (Oslo 1940).
The method was catch means, whale goal. Of fundamental importance for the emergence of modern whaling was fin 'and the of them especially the blue whale's eye-catching value as a raw material source. Now does it relate to the prices per. tons of whale oil last in the 1860s rose to well £ 60 per. tonnes.cf.. G. van Gelders overview tables and Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery, 128. After this, would a blue whale on 122 tonnes and with an oil yield of 27,7 tons could provide oil at a value of approximately. 30 000 NOK. Now oil production nearly as effective in Finnmark the catch days and the average size of the captive whale undoubtedly smaller than in our given example. However, we know that Foyn in 1868, before he received his floating factory started, sold unprocessed whale carcasses for up to about. 1 000 specie, you. 4 000 crowns crunch.Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 141. And tasks in contemporary newspapers tell us that whales were often valued at from two to four thousand crowns in Finnmark the catch first year.see f. example. Morgenbladet 3. June 1878, No.. 151. We dare with certainty assume that the price of the finished recovered oil per. whale could exceed this amount quite considerably. At a time when a Norwegian worker earned from 20 to 40 crowns month, where 4 000 crowns a small fortune. A dare say that amount could equate purchase value of between 30 and 40 thousand kroner today.
One will easily understand that such a capture object may seem alluring, and that Foyn sacrificed hundreds of thousandsB. Klæboe, Foyn. A memoir (Christiania 1895), 31. cf.. Tonsberg BURGOMASTER five-year report 1865-1870. and several years of his life to solve the big catch problem. His scarce diary notes from breakthrough year trembles constantly by the pure gold miner voltage.See Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 129—155.
Model of Spes & Fides. (Photo: Whaling Museum's photo archives.)
When Foyn in the first half of the 1860s seriously took on its whaling effort, He had sealed now as a starting point.Op.cit., 37-50. And this basically is another part of the explanation for his success in whaling. Sealing had given Foyn train and catch skilled workers and the necessary capital to start a large whaling enterprise, it had also given him even capture experience and further knowledge of and interest in whales and whaling.See the following number of Morgenbladet for 1849: 16. June, No.. 168; 8. July, No.. 189; 15. July, No.. 196. As competition within the seal hunting around 1860 began to be noticeable,Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 45 f. when prices of seal oil in the same year showed a significant decrease and then the result of the catch first in the 1860s was very poor,cf.. Knut Hougen, Sandefjords history II, 185 [Gunnar Isachsen's contribution on Arctic trapping]. so Foyn presumably also herein as an invitation to take up the pursuit of the ocean's giants. In this field, he would be virtually reigns supreme, and Foyn've probably realized that there would many captive whales before the dividend value terms would surpass even a record catch of seals.
Just as Foyn had previously preferred sealing rather than ordinary shipping, at proper management he now whaling. When he faced the choice between two economic options, at proper management he naturally both times that in his opinion, in the long run would give him the most bang for the capital and the labor he had to insert. And then it turned out that he at proper management right, stood other employers and workers faced an easier choice, as those with minimal risk could go into new industries that gave them opportunities for greater profits than the company previously had been concerned.
The economic alternatives capital and labor had to choose between, gives us a lot of explanation both why modern whaling was to, and why precisely the Norwegians were pioneers in this area.
A picture from New Bedford, Massachusetts, with whaling vessels Platinum, A.R. Tucker and Sunbeam, 1895. (Photo: Whaling Museum's photo archive)
The issues surrounding the choice of economic options are among the most far-reaching and profound in historical research. Capital and labor transition from an option to another can create strong currents in the economic and social life, currents that affect others and again affected. Currents which, by their ever-changing game seems decisive in the humanity, each society and the individual's fate. Cause problems in connection with the Norwegian whaling emergence gives us an illustrative example of this.
By 1850 and in the next decade that followed, Americans were still the world's absolute leading whaling nation. They captured sperm whale, right whale and part Knol, mainly the old method, but one can trace several near misses both to a modernization of the trapping method and the catch on the strong fin. The number on the easy capture all whale species were at this time in noticeable decline.For orientation in the American history of whaling, I bl. a. utilized: C.M. Scammon, Marine Mammals of the Northwestern Coast of North America, with an Account of the American Whale Fishery… Continue reading Against this background it seems at first glance like a modern whaling with a natural law inevitably had to spring up within the US catch, but then did not happen.See, however, Big Things renascenandlingis 1873. Part five. Dokument No. 65. cf.. Arne Odd Johnsen, hopes & Fides, 11, and Foyn and his diary, 60 f. The explanation for this problem lies precisely in the choice of economic options.
The new means of communication and industrialism led by the middle of the last century a revolution not only in American business, but in American life whatsoever.
While Americans in the international competition had previously distinguished itself by its expansive setting, they were from this time a economic point distinctly introverted people.cf.. E. L. Bogart, The Economic History of the United States [New York 1908]. H. Underwood Faulkner, American economic History [New York 1924]. Charles A. and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American… Continue reading While the American clippers and paketter had previously been oceans the victors and their "whalers" the undisputed leading from the Arctic to Antarctica, went there in the decades after 1850 back with the Americans on both these fields, and it is not only relatively, but also absolutely.Jacob S. Worm-Müller, The Norwegian seafaring history II, 264. For whaling competent, see the works listed under note 28. The communications had Pensa endless, fruitful, previously uncultivated præriestrekninger directly into an international remote trading network, and "The Winning of the West" began to exert a magnetic attraction on capital and labor. The benefits that were to achieve in the West, was so large and obvious that they drew millions of people across the world's oceans, but first and foremost they called on Americans themselves.M. Schlesinger, New Viewpoints in American History [New York 1922]. George M. Stephenson, A History of American Immigration 1820-1924 (Boston 1926). Henry P. Fairchild, Immigration. A World Movement… Continue reading The giant settlement and cultivation of the West stood in a reciprocal relationship to the industrial development. A hectic until flowering of an American industrialism took to, and also be able to absorb the increasing capitals and still more capacity for work.
Between the cities of Boston in the north and New York to the south lies the two former American whaling towns New Bedford and Nantucket.
"The Winning of the West" and industries offered greater profitability and more attractive working conditions than shipping and whaling. In particular, there was a screaming difference between the average earnings for the casual whaler and an ordinary day laborer ashore. With the decline in the population of the whale species that were easy to catch, followed smaller catches,. When thereof came that the prices of whale oil - apart from war downturn in the 1860s - mostly were in constant and sharp decline in Crimea- war, will understand that profits could be particularly large, and that this was going to go out of both shipowners and the general whalers.
Around 1860 earned an American whaler average around 20 Saints Q. day and had also expensive and berth. At the same time earning a regular non skilled hireling ashore about. 90 Saints Q. day. When wages in the country paid in addition to room and board at the time ranged from 33 % to 50 % lower than normal monetary wages, would the same day laborers in the country prayed received from 45 to 60 Saints Q. Today they had received food and lodging by their employers. In other words, that an ordinary not trained a day laborer in the country in real monetary wages received from well 2 to 3 times as much as through- section whaler.Elmo Paul Hohman, The American Whaleman (New York 1928), 240. It is therefore no wonder that the best labor searched the land, and that whaling ship owners had to go to shanghaiing and at the peculiar forhyringsmetoder to get crew to their whaling ships. More or less solve existences, half castes o.l., held its first foray into the old proud whaling vessels, which incidentally also eventually sank in quality. Whaling shipowners saw no business in risking a lot on a hunting business of declining profitability. They took an increasing extent to invest their capital in industrial firms in the country.see f. example. Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery, jS and Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 53.
The enormous power turn in American business by the middle of the last century explains to evidence the simultaneous downturn in the US shipping and whaling. At a time when the vast majority of capital, the premier oppfinnergeniene, the boldest initiative and the skilled workforce rallied around lucrative, building measures in the continental US, existed in America no longer any impulse to a regeneration of whales- hunting industry. Here we are likely to face a significant part of the explanation why it was not the Americans who came to creating modern whaling.
As the Americans gave up their attempts at modern whaling and on the whole was on retreat within shipping and whaling, builds up a kind of vacuum in these industries, a vacuum that quickly soaked up capital, inventor genius, initiatives and labor that had not so rich economic options to choose from like the American people. The large current turn of events in the US business community came this way bl. a. to lead to a relatively violent and sometimes revolutionary Norwegian expansion. "The Winning of the West" and the structure of the American industries sucked directly to hundreds of thousands of individuals from Norwegian villages and cities. It was only after 1850 the earnest momentum in the Norwegian emigration.Theodore C. Blegen, Norwegian Migration to America 1825-1860 (Northfield 1931), 18. See also Ingrid Semmingsen, The road to the west, 241. The decline in the US shipping industry seemed further along with other factors in a significant upturn for the Norwegian shipping industry. From the mid-1800s it took to swarm of Norwegian vessels in the ports on the east coast of America.Jacob S. Worm-Müller, The Norwegian seafaring history, II, 341—409. You. chapter: "The expansion in the 1850s». Finally, it was the Norwegians who in the 1860s created a modern whaling methods and who thus came to take over the American hegemony as whaling nation.
The industries Americans found less profitable and that they therefore began to neglect, commanded the Norwegians on more favorable economic options than usual could find in their own country. To come to greater clarity over the background of the Norwegian economic expansion, we will put the spotlight on nutrient- and population conditions in Norwegian society by the middle of the last century.
In Norway amounted population growth in the period from 1815 to 1865 for all 13,4 % per. decade. There was a greater growth than any other European people could exhibit, and hardly any Western European people - the Irish alone except - had in this period poorer opportunities for acquisitions within the country than the Norwegian. The protracted and tough crisis after the Napoleonic wars and the consequent lack of capital and at the financial resources came for a long time to impede the development of Norwegian industry.For the preparation of the preceding and the next following referred to: N. Back, History of Norges Bank I (Kristiania 1918). — Jacob S. Worm-Müller, Christiania Sparebank through a hundred… Continue reading The communications were even at the end of the period utterly deficient, and our agriculture was therefore at 1865 very extensively and was situated yet at the transition from natural household monetary household. The country's industrialization was not yet firmly underway at the time. Bynæringene had at many difficulties to contend with. Growth in these industries stood not in any way reasonably consistent with the strong population growth in the country. The result was partly a kind of overcrowding within the old industries with high job performance and minimal wages, partly an expansion which expressed itself in emigration and in further development of the country's expansive industries. The relative overpopulation in our country by the mid-1800s and the hard struggle for existence that arose for this reason, had mostly skilled made and steeled the Norwegian people and given it a dynamic force that gave them an impressive effect as soon as the international free trade policies and economic conditions gave the opportunity for rich expansive expression.
While tangible and demographic factors at this time mostly led to the American people from being expansionary became introverted, seemed similar forces in Norway in the diametrically opposite direction. One made a comparison of simultaneous tasks of earning wages and labor wages for workers in the countryPreliminary work Tønsbergs BURGOMASTER five stories. Tønsbergs municipal archives. with records of hires for seafarers as well as wages and party for whalersOn the basis of a number of simultaneous records of the whalers' wages and party in years 1864-1890 the author of the present article for some years compiled statistics on. These are… Continue reading has given us the result that payday question entirely from the modern whaling first time effectively must have encouraged both farm workers and ordinary seamen to enter the whaling. While a so-called service boy 1870- and 80-year average gained about. 60 cents per. day and therefor had room and board, and a day laborer in the country had about. 1,10 the householder diet, got an ordinary seaman in koffardifart ca. 1,60 per. day and thereto and board, while a sailor on a whaler got about. 1,75 per. day and besides room and board. A sailor on a whaler received after this monetary wages and other conditions are equal almost three times as much as a farm hand and more than half again as much as a day laborer in the country. Part-system brought with it opportunities for even greater profits than those mentioned.
Flanging of whale alongside the ship in the old whaling days.
Whaling opened further opportunities for advancement and thus increased profits. A sailor could be shooter and whale skipper with by the time relationship very respectable wages. On land stations had the ordinary workers about the same wages as other workers in the country, but all that got to do with the special work of significant importance for the company's well-being, got far better salaries and moreover Party – of production. Also in this area, it must have seemed stimulant that whaling was a business in a rich growth. Particularly clever men could make themselves hope of chairman- or manager positions at the many new stations that were created by each.
Party system has always proved beneficial in all fishing activities. Under the old European catch developed system properly first by the Dutch and with so conspicuous good resultscf.. Bjarne Aagaard, The old whaling (Oslo 1933), 78. —Erik Lynge, whaling (Leipzig 1936), 12. - Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 43. the British after a period extending found it convenient to take it up by Dutch pattern. The favorable effects did not materialize nor.Erik Lynge, whaling, 13. - Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 45.
Within the modern Norwegian whaling grew party system naturally appear on native soil. As far as we can see, it has at this point not been any direct influence from American or old European hunting. A dare, however, expect that the party system that had developed within the Norwegian seal huntingAbout this look Gunnar Isachsen section on Arctic hunting in Knut Hougen, Sandefjords history II, 203. - and that Foyn known of old experience - has meant something. Background for the development of a joint system also within whaling. However, we can ascertain that Foyn on his first whaling expeditions not utilized any party system, but only dealt certain gratuities to the most skilled shooters. It was only through 1870, and especially after the competition of about. 1880 was more common, the party system evolved and became increasingly nuanced.
By doing all hands on whale boat and all men in important positions in the country economically interested in the catch, oil etc. was as large as possible, have a party system seemed like a strong stimulus for work efficiency right from the modern whaling first time. The system has undoubtedly been a contributing factor why it succeeded Norwegians to create a modern fishing- and production method. And of great importance was the fact that this system was fully developed when oil prices from the mid 1880s sank so low that it had large labor intensity and skill of the company at all was going to pay off.
For the creation and development of modern whaling was further of the utmost importance that Norway in the second half of the 19. century had outstanding skilled and conducted careful and notwithstanding full business leaders and a limited company- or joint form which was elastic and excellently suited to serve as a tool for an economic expansion.
Nutritional conditions in Norway had been so harsh and inexorable in the first half of the 1800s that gave little opportunity for profitable speculation or at all to create fortunes in a convenient way. The hard times continued the business leaders who were not sufficiently energetic and vigilant, out of the game. We can rightly speak about the survival of the fittest in terms of Norwegian industry's leading men from the middle of the last century. They put enormous demands not only to their workers, but also for himself. Many of them found in the iron hard toil support and moral strength in Christian perspectives. They were filled with a "Puritan noncapitalist" setting which was closely related to the intellectual orientations of the 17. century did so strong in Englandcf.. Ingjald Nissen, Cultural crisis and capitalism (Oslo 1932). - See also Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Collected essays on the sociology of religion I… Continue reading and other places where capitalism properly fold out.
Foyn was a typical exponent of this setting.Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 9 f. and 30 f. His perseverance and hard work was reflected not only by ambition, but also of life philosophy. He was of the type that at almost superhuman energy expression creates a fortune then put it into one big action in which he himself is both "Inventor & district Attorney".cf.. his book, Lines in the Norwegian whaling history, 36 and 40 f. One easily finds parallels to Foyn in capitalist society at an early stage of development.
Harpoon for Greenland Whale, after Scoresby.
That was until 1868 few people believed that Foyn whaling attempt to succeed,Se Finmarksposten 22. July 1892 No.. 58. Printed ballot in Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 247 f. and it certainly had not been possible to create a whaling corporation in Norway until now had shown good results. That a capitalist- type Foyn had their great mission as a leading innovator in the business world, it can be no doubt. But for the further development of the newly created industry needed economic bodies that could suck in capital from various directions. And here had a Vestfold excellent role models in shipping partnerships and sealing companies. The oldest laws of the Norwegian whaling companiesThe author. builds here on a relatively rich material laws for the Norwegian whaling companies in the time 1877-1905. The material is forf. collected at several private and public archives in Vestfold. which constituted from 1877 and outwardly tells ldart the context of the financial bodies that already existed. Most of the whaling stakeholders had previously been - or was ever - interested in shipowning and sealing, and whaling companies system was very similar to the prior art partnerships.
The companies were from the first process of - according to the extant laws - irresponsible or unnamed as a happily expressed it at the time. In other words, they were corporations, a corporate form that at that particular time in earnest became popular in Norway.cf.. L. M. B. Aubert, Some Remarks concerned Bill on Trade Register and Installers Review. Norsk Retstidende 1873, 177-197. No stakeholder in a corporation are notoriously liable for more than the by him paid Party. Risk momentum was thus very limited, and this form of company sucked therefore easy capital for themselves.
The whaling companies is comprised of a relatively small numbers circuit of stakeholders who know each well and therefore had to trust each other. The companies were the first time divided by 24 to 40 parter in 4 or 5 thousand NOK, Thus, exactly as a shipping partnership. Taking into consideration that multiple parties could sit on one and the same hand and the companies legislation prevented the parties to come over the new and unfamiliar hands, understand one where narrow stakeholder circuit usually was. It was both small and gathered in local respect. Stakeholders knew each, known the capture specialists they committed and had full opportunity to constantly be well informed about the catch size and corporate financial management. This consisted usually a few in the manager with the chairman as manager.
These interessentskaperie proved extraordinarily effective. It is also to note that those of them who had his seat as well as the majority of its stakeholders in the capture county Vestfold, managed the crisis period that followed the fall in oil prices, far better than the companies that formed elsewhere in the country. One dare say that Vestfold in this relatively primitive stock- corporate form had found a body that was exceptionally well suited for the development of the new industry, just as the joint-stock company formcf.. W. R. Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720, I-III (Cambridge 1910-12). was one of the main conditions for the development of the British whaling in the 1600s.cf.. Erik Lynge, whaling, 8 ff. and Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 37—47. This primitive whaling company concept proved hardy enough to withstand the fairly severe recession which occurred already in the second half of the 1880s. It is also from these primitive measures the modern whaling companies have gradually evolved. These organs have proven highly elastic and viable. There can be no doubt that in the long run has meant a lot for reconstruction and development of an expansive industry where it has been necessary at any time to adjust themselves for the moment demands.
Ask an why just Vestfold was catching county par excellence in modern whaling, it is not good to give a short and full answer. The reasons were surely - here too - many. Conspicuous is still Svend Foyn personality in this case played a very big role. It was Foyn who in the 1840s created a Norwegian livelihood in seal hunting, and it was he who shot a quarter of a century later broke the way for modern whaling. Good help got Foyn yet of its sailors and hunters from Vestfold, and we can probably with some justification in Foyn own personality see an incarnation of the tremendous progress and the economic expansion force that was so characteristic of the people of Vestfold in time from approximately. 1840 and forward.Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 7—104.
Foyn were of old good Vestfold-seed, and his childhood, youth and manhood were strongly influenced by the conditions Vestfold gave him and others.
nature- and population conditions in this county had naturally turning residents' business interests looking out to sea. The elongated coast with the many excellent harbors had already in prehistoric times seemed with the Vestfold Maritime county, above all. In the 1800s, there were other factors at play. In terms of the crowd there was the time Ishavs- whaling in Vestfold, hardly any county within its borders gave poorer nutritional conditions of its population. Lumber exports from Vestfold was very small. It is characteristic that Svend Foyns birthplace, Tønsberg, was the Norwegian city, east of Lindesnes that shipped at least lumber. Some mining or industry of significance did not exist in the county. Vestfold- cities were not as Drammen and Christiania care communicators for a large and rich hinterland. With regard to agriculture and livestock farming was the situation relatively well placed. The vast majority of farmers were by this time become freeholders,See in this regard: his book, Lines in the Norwegian whaling history, 22 ff. and Lorens Bergs bygdebøker. and for the statistical tasks to judge, they must have run their farms well.cf.. Schweigaard, Norway Statistics, Chr.a 1840 and M. B. Tvethe, Norway Statistics, Chr.a 1848. But agriculture alone was in no way enough to provide work and bread to people the richness of the county. In terms of square footage was Vestfold namely by far the most populous county in Norway. While in 1845 – by- and the rural population equipementCapital included. - Akershus lived 1,189 individuals per. kvadratmil, the figure for Vestfold the time 1552The average population density for the whole kingdom was 230 individuals pr. kvadratmil. see M. B. Tvethe, Norway Statistics, 12. individuals pr. kvadratmil.M. B. Tvethe, Norway Statistics This despite the fact that the urban population in Akershus were more than three times as great as in Vestfold.
With such nature- and population ratio was Vestfold strongly dependent on economic expansion, and until the mid 1840s had the vestfoldske expansion mainly unfolded within the shipping industry. The protracted crisis after the Napoleonic wars brought with it very bad economic conditions for shipping. When vestfoldingene had difficult than others to acquire compensation for what they eventually lost by a downturn in the shipping industry, they were forced to keep this in time. It failed by keeping oneself by contemporary Norwegian relative low standard of living, by big labor sacrifice and by skill. In short by sailing cheaper and better than other.Arne Odd Johnsen, a time of crisis. Tønsbergs economic history 1814-1840 (Tønsbefrg 1937). Vestfold was then also in 1840 as the country's leading seafaring county.M. B. Tvethe, Norway Statistics, 152.
Schooners at Sandefjord Harbor, that. 1860. (Photo: Whaling Museum's photo archive)
The crisis had at done vestfoldingene more frugal, hardy and competitive, and then the crowd in the county during the period from 1815 to 1845 rose by over fifty percentop.cit. - and continued to soarOfficial Statistics. - will understand that there were powerful forces at work that just this county was the starting point for an expansion within Norwegian shipping- and capture business that no other county can equal.
It may at first glance look quaint that it was Vestfold and not a county in northern Norway who came to occupy the leading position in the Norwegian fishing industry. For these industries, and especially when for whaling, have good seamanship usually been an essential. It came earlier Basques, Dutchmen, Britons and Americans, and it also came to apply to Norwegians. M.ens vestfoldingene were the best sailors in the country, consisted population in northern Norway and especially when in Finnmark by fishermen of little means, people who neither were aware, or could afford to start a proper shipping. It is said of them that they had "no concept of the simplest means of navigation in the open sea".Thor Iversen, The Norwegian seafaring history III, 2, 427.
Finnmark's vast land area was also very thin people put. Norwegians and Finns were totaling over 6000 and patches well 6500 who lived in this county. Troms was somewhat better people set, but one understands how extraordinarily thin peopling where north was by the mid-1800s, when one sees that Finnmark and Troms in 1845 overall had an average population density of 36,61 individ pr. kvadratmil,M. Tvethe, Norway Statistics, 12. you. not fully 77 the population density in Vestfold that same year. The population along the coast of Finnmark stayed as will understand, very scattered and consisted mostly of poor fishermen who lived a primitive life and had primitive tools. There was probably also rich landowners and merchants in northern Norway, but they had for generations been firmly rooted in its fishing- and merchant- trade. In relation to the expansive vestfoldingene dare one say that they were conservatively set an economic point.
Fishermen's cabins in Tromso, lithograph by Mayer 1838. (Photo: national Museum / Ivarsøy, Dag)
People in Finnmark had already in the early 1800s made various primitive attempt whaling,He Norway's land and people XX In Finnmark Amt (Outgoing. Amund Helland), 670. cf.. Sigurd Shaking, Of the history of whaling, 102. but any rational capture was no question about. The first promising initiative in this area came to emanate from northern Norway. When this measure is not brought forward, it was first and foremost for the following reasons: The hunters in northern Norway had not the dynamic-biological background as those in Vestfold, they were also vestfoldingene completely inferior with regard to seamanship. Furthermore, they missed the expansive economic setting we meet in Vestfold, and finally lay enough capital conditions in northern Norway less favorable way for the capture business than in Vestfold where there reigned a more steady prosperity.
We have seen that the demographic and material conditions make it fully explicable that the great expansion in the Norwegian fishing industry just came from Vestfold. Any significant and follow erik innovation within the business community can and should be seen against the background of a broad biological and materially causal complex, and Foyn efforts are no less interesting and significant if one sees him as an exponent of a time- and local marked interplay of material and spiritual forces.
|↑1||cf.. Bjarne Aagaard, Antarctic 1502-1944. Norway's Svalbard- and ishavsundersøkelser. messages No.. 60, Oslo 1944|
|↑2||cf.. f. example. Consul Johan Rasmussen radio lecture by 18. June 1936. According to a typed copy of the lecture as kindly is tilstilt me of consul Johan Rasmussen|
|↑4||Tooke and Newmarch, History of Prices V and VI (London 1678).|
|↑5||Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery, 77 ff.|
|↑6||According overview tables published by G. Gelders i Amsterdam 19129. cf.. Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 238. See also Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery. The table's p. 128 in this publication, building for years 1843-1905 the tasks in "Whalemen's Shipping List".|
|↑7||See Big Things Negotiations 1880. Part five. Dokument No. 41, s. 2.|
|↑8||Ame Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary (Oslo 1943), 69—’80.|
|↑9||Letter from Svend to Laurentius Foyn dated Vadsø 12. aug. 1874. The letter found in the manuscript collections in Commander Christen Christensen's Whaling Museum Library.|
|↑10||according to G. Van Gelder oversiktstabeller. cf.. grosserer W. Hvistendahl price tasks in "Whaling, its history and Men "by G. Sorensen m. fl. (Krka 1912), 126. See also Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery, 128.|
|↑11||cf.. f. example. Finmarksposten 30. Oct. 1886, No.. 86.|
|↑12||Tunsberg guy 26. Oct. 1877, No.. 127, Tunsberg guy 8. nov. 1879, No.. 130 and Finmarksposten 30. Oct. 1886, No.. 86.|
|↑13||cf.. British Patents for Inventions 1840-1860.|
|↑14||cf.. U.S.A. Patents 1840–1870.|
|↑15||Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 51 ff. cf.. also the same author's article "Pastor Hans Morten Thrane Esmark and modern whaling". Norwegian Whaling Official Journal 1943, 81-93.|
|↑16||Arne Odd Johnsen, "From the modern whaling breakthrough. Foyn and whaling to 1,875 ". Vestfold Memory III, 62 ff.|
|↑17||Morgenbladet 20. June 1869, No.. 168 B.|
|↑18||Arne Odd Johnsen, hopes & Fides. No.. 34 published by the Norwegian Maritime Museum (Oslo 1940).|
|↑19||cf.. G. van Gelders overview tables and Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery, 128.|
|↑20||Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 141.|
|↑21||see f. example. Morgenbladet 3. June 1878, No.. 151.|
|↑22||B. Klæboe, Foyn. A memoir (Christiania 1895), 31. cf.. Tonsberg BURGOMASTER five-year report 1865-1870.|
|↑23||See Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 129—155.|
|↑25||See the following number of Morgenbladet for 1849: 16. June, No.. 168; 8. July, No.. 189; 15. July, No.. 196.|
|↑26||Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 45 f.|
|↑27||cf.. Knut Hougen, Sandefjords history II, 185 [Gunnar Isachsen's contribution on Arctic trapping].|
|↑28||For orientation in the American history of whaling, I bl. a. utilized: C.M. Scammon, Marine Mammals of the Northwestern Coast of North America, with an Account of the American Whale Fishery [San Francisco and New York 1874]. Alexander Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery from Its Earliest Inception to the Year 1876 [Waltham, Massachusetts 1878]. Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery [Philadelphia 1907]. J. R. Spears, The Story of the New England Whalers [New York 1908]. J. T. Jenkins, History of the Whale Fisheries [London 1921]. Charles Boardman Hawes, Whaling [New York 1924]. E. Keble Chatterton, Whalers and Whaling [New York 1926]. Elmo Paul Hohman, The American Whaleman [New York 1928]. F. R. Dulles, Lowered Boats : A Chronicle of American Whaling [New York 1933]. N. S. B. Gras, Casebook in American Business History [New York 1939]. Karl Brandt, Whale Oil. An economic Analysis [Stanford 1940].|
|↑29||See, however, Big Things renascenandlingis 1873. Part five. Dokument No. 65. cf.. Arne Odd Johnsen, hopes & Fides, 11, and Foyn and his diary, 60 f.|
|↑30||cf.. E. L. Bogart, The Economic History of the United States [New York 1908]. H. Underwood Faulkner, American economic History [New York 1924]. Charles A. and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilisation I-II [New York 1937]. See also Jacob S. Worm-Müller, The Norwegian seafaring history II, [Oslo 1935], 238 f.|
|↑31||Jacob S. Worm-Müller, The Norwegian seafaring history II, 264. For whaling competent, see the works listed under note 28.|
|↑32||M. Schlesinger, New Viewpoints in American History [New York 1922]. George M. Stephenson, A History of American Immigration 1820-1924 (Boston 1926). Henry P. Fairchild, Immigration. A World Movement and its American Significance (New York 1933). Theodore C. Blegen, Norwegian Migration to America, 1825—1860 (Northfield 1931), same ancestors. Norwegian Migration to America. The American Transition (Northfield 1940). Ingrid Semmingsen, The road to the west. Emigration from Norway to America 1825-1865 (Oslo 1941).|
|↑33||Elmo Paul Hohman, The American Whaleman (New York 1928), 240.|
|↑34||see f. example. Walter S. Tower, A History of the American Whale Fishery, jS and Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 53.|
|↑35||Theodore C. Blegen, Norwegian Migration to America 1825-1860 (Northfield 1931), 18. See also Ingrid Semmingsen, The road to the west, 241.|
|↑36||Jacob S. Worm-Müller, The Norwegian seafaring history, II, 341—409. You. chapter: "The expansion in the 1850s».|
|↑37||For the preparation of the preceding and the next following referred to: N. Back, Norges Bank's history I (Kristiania 1918). — Jacob S. Worm-Müller, Christiania Sparebank through one hundred years (Christiania 1922), 1-233, Oscar Kristiansen, Money and Capital, nourishment weigh. 1815—1830 (Oslo 1925); same ancestors. Samfærdsel in Norway 1814-1830 (Oslo 1926). - Wilhelm Keilhau, The Norwegian people's lives and history VIII (Oslo 1929) and IX (Oslo 193.1). — S. Hasund, Our agricultural history (Oslo 1932), 162—285. -Oscar Albert Johnsen, Norwegian farmers (Oslo 1936). - Ingrid Semmingsen, The road to the west, 216—262.|
|↑38||Preliminary work Tønsbergs BURGOMASTER five stories. Tønsbergs municipal archives.|
|↑39||On the basis of a number of simultaneous records of the whalers' wages and party in years 1864-1890 the author of the present article for some years compiled statistics on. These are reprinted with comments elsewhere in the present volume.|
|↑40||cf.. Bjarne Aagaard, The old whaling (Oslo 1933), 78. —Erik Lynge, whaling (Leipzig 1936), 12. - Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 43.|
|↑41||Erik Lynge, whaling, 13. - Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 45.|
|↑42||About this look Gunnar Isachsen section on Arctic hunting in Knut Hougen, Sandefjords history II, 203.|
|↑43||cf.. Ingjald Nissen, Cultural crisis and capitalism (Oslo 1932). - See also Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Collected essay for the Sociology of Religion I (Tübingen 1922) and R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism. A Historic Study (2. issue 1933).|
|↑44||Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 9 f. and 30 f.|
|↑45||cf.. his book, Lines in the Norwegian whaling history, 36 and 40 f.|
|↑46||Se Finmarksposten 22. July 1892 No.. 58. Printed ballot in Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 247 f.|
|↑47||The author. builds here on a relatively rich material laws for the Norwegian whaling companies in the time 1877-1905. The material is forf. collected at several private and public archives in Vestfold.|
|↑48||cf.. L. M. B. Aubert, Some Remarks concerned Bill on Trade Register and Installers Review. Norsk Retstidende 1873, 177-197.|
|↑49||cf.. W. R. Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720, I-III (Cambridge 1910-12).|
|↑50||cf.. Erik Lynge, whaling, 8 ff. and Karl Brandt, Whale Oil, 37—47.|
|↑51||Arne Odd Johnsen, Foyn and his diary, 7—104.|
|↑52||See in this regard: his book, Lines in the Norwegian whaling history, 22 ff. and Lorens Bergs bygdebøker.|
|↑53||cf.. Schweigaard, Norway Statistics, Chr.a 1840 and M. B. Tvethe, Norway Statistics, Chr.a 1848.|
|↑55||The average population density for the whole kingdom was 230 individuals pr. kvadratmil. see M. B. Tvethe, Norway Statistics, 12.|
|↑56||M. B. Tvethe, Norway Statistics|
|↑57||Arne Odd Johnsen, a time of crisis. Tønsbergs economic history 1814-1840 (Tønsbefrg 1937).|
|↑58||M. B. Tvethe, Norway Statistics, 152.|
|↑61||Thor Iversen, The Norwegian seafaring history III, 2, 427.|
|↑62||M. Tvethe, Norway Statistics, 12.|
|↑63||He Norway's land and people XX In Finnmark Amt (Outgoing. Amund Helland), 670. cf.. Sigurd Shaking, Of the history of whaling, 102.|